This study examined the association between childhood living conditions, socioeconomic position in adulthood, and cognition in later life. Two questions were addressed: Is there an association between childhood living conditions and late-life cognition, and if so, is the association modified or mediated by adult socioeconomic position?
Nationally representative data of the Swedish population aged 77 years and older were obtained from the 1992 and 2002 Swedish Panel Study of Living Conditions of the Oldest Old (SWEOLD). Cognition was assessed with an abbreviated version of the Mini-Mental State Examination scale. Childhood living conditions were assessed by self-reports of childhood living conditions.
The results showed independent associations between conflicts in the household during childhood, father's social class, education, own social class in adulthood, and cognition in later life. Exposure to conflicts during childhood, having a father classified as a manual worker, low education, and/or being classified as a manual worker in adulthood was associated with lower levels of cognition in old age. There seemed to be no modifying effect of adult socioeconomic position on the association between childhood conditions and cognition in later life.
This suggests the importance of childhood living conditions in maintaining cognitive function even in late life.
Public policies target a subset of the population defined as poor or needy, but rarely are people poor or needy in the same way. This is particularly true among older adults. This study investigates poverty among older adults in order to identify who among them is financially worst off.
We use 20 years of data from the Consumer Expenditure Survey to examine the income and consumption of older Americans.
The poverty rate is cut in fourth if both income and consumption are used to define poverty. Those most likely to be poor defined by only income but not poor defined by income and consumption together are married, White, and homeowners and have a high school diploma or higher. The income poor alone display sufficient assets to raise consumption above poverty thresholds, whereas the consumption poor are shown to have income just above the poverty threshold and few assets.
The poorest among the older population are those who are income and consumption poor. Understanding the nature of this double poverty population is important in measuring the success of future public policies to reduce poverty among this group.
The study's purpose is to examine the relationship between childlessness and two key indicators of older Americans’ economic well-being: income and wealth.
Using the Health and Retirement Survey, the study estimates this relationship and compares findings from standard ordinary least squares, random effects, quantile regression, and two propensity score models.
Compared with married parents, childless married couples tend to have slightly more income and about 5% more wealth. Unmarried childless men enjoy no income advantage over unmarried fathers but have 24%–33% more wealth. Compared with older unmarried mothers, unmarried childless women have 12%–31% more income and about 33% more wealth. The strength of these relationships increases as one moves up the distribution of income or wealth.
This study provides evidence on the relationship between childlessness and both income and wealth, including the first evidence for men. The findings may be useful for persons concerned about the determinants of childless adults’ well-being as well as the long-run financial demands on public programs that provide income support, health and nursing home care, and social services for older Americans.
This cross-national study examines the poverty of older adults and their household members and relates the risk of poverty to macrolevel state approaches to welfare as well as to microlevel composition of households.
Data on individuals in households with older adults for 22 countries come from the Luxembourg Income Survey. Robust cluster analysis relates the risk of poverty to the type of state welfare regime; the characteristics of the household head (age, gender, marital status, and education); as well as the household's numbers of earners, older adults, and children.
Persons in households with older adults are significantly less likely to be poor in countries with social democratic and conservative welfare regimes than in Taiwan, an exemplar of limited social welfare programs. Controlling for country differences in household composition increases the differences in poverty risks. Living with fewer children, more older adults, and more earners lowers the risk of poverty, as does having a married and better educated household head.
Countries with more generous social welfare provisions have lower risks of poverty despite having household characteristics that are comparatively unfavorable. As Taiwan demonstrates, household composition, particularly a reliance on multigenerational households, compensates for limited state welfare programs.
Informal caregivers provide the majority of long-term care. This study examined six health and psychosocial outcomes of caregiving, in the context of multiple characteristics of the caregiving situation, in a representative, statewide sample.
Data came from 4,041 respondents to the 2007 Connecticut Long-Term Care Needs Assessment. Analyses investigated whether caregiving negatively affects depressive symptoms, health, missing work, and social isolation. Logistic regressions tested the independent effects of caregiver characteristics and conditions of the caregiving situation on these health and psychosocial outcomes.
Caregivers rate their health better than noncaregivers and do not report more depressive symptoms or social isolation. Living with the care receiver, inadequate income, and care receivers’ unmet need for community-based long-term care services relate to multiple negative outcomes. Care receiver memory problems and caregiver/care receiver relationship do not relate to health or psychosocial outcomes when these other factors are considered.
Caregiving per se does not lead to symptoms of depression, poor health, or social isolation. Many caregivers do need supports in training and education, respite, and physical and mental health care. Such programs should provide outreach to caregivers facing specific stressful conditions, as not all caregivers experience negative consequences.
To propose a theoretical construct of family caregiver skills in effective medication management for home hospice patients.
Semistructured face-to-face interviews were conducted with 22 hospice providers (14 nurses, 4 physicians, and 4 social workers) and 23 family caregivers (10 daughters, 4 wives, 2 husbands, and 7 others) of elderly patients (≥60 years old) who were receiving home services from four hospice care programs in the Chicago metropolitan area.
Although both groups identified similar skill sets, hospice providers emphasized technical skills such as administering medications, and family caregivers valued management skills such as organizing medications, coordinating with hired caregivers, and providing care to patients who resisted treatment. We defined effective medication management in hospice as caregivers’ ability to effectively relieve symptoms with pharmacological interventions by successfully utilizing skills related to teamwork (coordinate with hospice providers and with other family or hired caregivers), organization (acquire, store, track, and discard medications), symptom knowledge (recognize and interpret common symptoms), medication knowledge (understand the basics of pharmacology and medication administration), and personhood (understand and respond to the patient's needs).
The proposed construct of medication management skills in hospice will help guide future development of training interventions and clinical assessment tools.